当知识分子遇到政治

• 恐龙抗狼

  2014-04-29
  苏格拉底解释说，爱向往的是善，但也会在无意间沦为“恶”的帮凶。因为爱会引致癫狂，引致一种难以控制的幸福的癫狂，无论这种爱是对一个人的爱还是对一个观念的爱。然而，唯有在事实上控制癫狂并依旧掌握自己的灵魂，即便在爱欲引领我们上升的时候也如此，我们才能拥有最高的幸福。哲学生活就是旨在提供面对着爱的这种自我掌控。正如柏拉图所描绘的，哲学生活与佛教的无欲、舍己无涉，而是意味着一种张弛有度的爱欲生活，希望去接近爱无意识地追求的目标：永恒真理、正义、美、智慧。能够过上这种生活的人凤毛麟角，大多数人不会以可靠的方式实现自己的向往，因而转入平庸的生活；还有的人全然沦为自身本能的奴隶，无法无天。柏拉图称这些人为僭主。《理想国》中的苏格拉底是这样描述僭主的灵魂，其中爱的癫狂——“爱背负僭主之名由来已久”——清除了一切节制，自命为统治者，将灵魂改造为“爱所建立的暴政”。哲学家也明了爱的癫狂，对智慧的爱也会导致癫狂，但他不让灵魂在癫狂面前丢盔弃甲；他依然掌控着局面，控制着自己。僭越的人是哲学家的镜像：他不是自身渴望与欲念的统治者，而是被爱的癫狂俘获的人，他成了这种癫狂的渴望与欲念的奴隶，而不是它们的统治者
• Mushi

  2012-05-07
  But beneath the irony and archness Strauss saw something that, while it earned his intellectual respect, also horrified him. For Kojeve, the prospect of men becoming less human by abandoning the quests for enlightenment or moral perfection was neither a utopian wish nor a dystopian fear; it was a possibility that history had rendered more probable,and which therefore must be reckoned with. His neutrality inthe cold war between liberal-democratic capitalism and tyrannical state socialism was rooted in a deeper indifference about the potential dehumanization of his fellows, whose sufferings only concerned him to the degree that they geve rise to struggles for recognition that succeeded in shaping history. The fate of losers held no interest for him. Fortunately, Kojeve was never in an offici...
• Mushi

  2012-05-07
  In his review article Kojeve objects that Strauss is himself the victim of a prejudice, an ancient one against tyranny that fails to see how modern tyranny might advance the work of history and prepare the way for a better future. But, more deeply, he charges Strauss with holding to an ancient, and illusionary, conception of philosophy as disinterested reflection by individuals seeking the eternally true, beautiful, and good. Once modern philosophers realised that there were no such eternal ideas, that all ideas arise only out of the human history of struggle, they then realized that they must participate actively in history, bringing into existence the future truths that are latent in the present;. Philosophers and tyrants therefore need each other to complete the work of history: tyrants...
• Mushi

  2012-05-07
  This mutual philosophical respect arose, paradoxically, from their shared conviction that Western philosophy had reached a terminus and had to be thoroughly reconceived. Kojeve, like Hegel, thought of the history of philosophy as having been driven by its dynamic relation with the history of social and political reality, each shaping the other in a steady dialectical movement toward a final resting point. When Hegel, as the story goes, saw Napoleon on horseback in Jena and understood his world-historical significance, that was the moment when philosophy reached its end. Now, according to Kojeve, the task of thinking is to turn from the realm of disembodied ideas and apply itself to the more mundane task of helping to build the universal homogenous state. The history of philosophy is over; ...
• Mushi

  2012-05-05
  Gershom Scholem thought ha had the answer. As he would later write, in all messianic movements and thinkers there is a dangerous impulse to "press for the end," to try to achieve here on earth what has been promised to us only in heaven. Religious history shows that "every attempt to realize [this impulse] tears open the abysses which lead each of its manifestations ad absurdam."
• Mushi

  2012-04-30
  Place it in the service of reason, of the reality of human worth and possibilities, instead of in the service of magic!
• 伯樵·阿苏勒

  2011-08-02
  The sorrow-plays, in which princes, ministers, and even assassins were portrayed at their moments of ultimate decision and ultimate fate, represented baroque life just as Schmitt imagined all political life to be: as a permanent "state of emergency".
• 伯樵·阿苏勒

  2011-07-25
  中文原文：施密特对审问他的苏联人说：“我沾染了纳粹的病菌，但并没有感染。”英文版原文：To his Russian interrogator he arrogantly announced, "I drank the Nazi bacillus, but was not infected."
• 刘未

  2022-03-10
  有一个流传已久的说法是：柏拉图是在希腊城邦中建构“哲学王”之治的疯狂规划的倡导者，而他的“西西里之行”则是实现其抱负的第一步。当马丁·海德格尔在可耻地担任了弗莱堡大学的纳粹校长之后于1934年重返教席之时，一位现已不知其名的同事想要羞辱他，就讥讽说，“君从叙拉古来？”没有比这更切题的典故了。正如柏拉图在《第七封信》中所说，他一度梦想参与政治生活，但是雅典的“三十年暴政”（公元前404一433）让他心碎。而后，在取代“三十年暴政”的民主政体处死了他的良师兼益友苏格拉底之后，他完全退出了政治。他得出结论说：一旦一个政治制度败坏了，无人能够在“不借助朋友和伙伴”的情况下将其复原到健康状态，这很像《理想国》中苏格拉底这个角色的结论。这里，“朋友和伙伴”指那些既是正义的哲学之友又是城邦的忠诚朋友的人。哲学家成为君主或君主诉诸哲学，这样的奇迹都不会发生，在政治中最能够指望的是在稳定的法治下，建立一个节制的政府。
• 月瓦戈医生

  2021-02-15
  当海德格尔背负着纳粹校长的可耻印记重返教席之时，他的同事讥诮道：“君从叙拉古来？”此言后来广为人知。这当然影射的是柏拉图三赴西西里岛，冀望年轻的戴奥尼素依归哲学和正义的典故。教育是徒劳无功的，戴奥尼素依然是个暴君，而柏拉图靠侥幸才脱了身。在有关海德格尔的讨论中，这个对比被反复提及，寓意海德格尔悲喜剧的（tragicomic）错误在于他当时相信哲学能够引导政治，尤其是国家社会主义的粗鄙政治。柏拉图曾在对话（尤见于《理想国》）中分析暴政的部分预见了这种可能性。
• 阿长

  2020-08-16
  即历史进步是一种幻象，历史只不过是一系列的灾难堆积着的一层又一层的废墟，直达天堂。工人阶级的成员们被进步的理念所腐化、所蒙蔽，看不到伴随人对自然世界的主宰力日益增强而产生的社会倒退。他们被哄得昏昏欲睡，以至于对法西斯力量的兴起所引致的“紧急状态”视而不见，未能及时做出反应。
• 恐龙抗狼

  2014-04-29
  在柏拉图看来，身为人这种造物就意味着要终其一生苦苦搏斗，人不能仅仅为了最基本的需要而活着，而要在某种力量的驱策下扩展并时而提升这些需要，并进而将其转化新的奋斗目标。人为什么要以这种方式“伸展”他自己？柏拉图认为这是一个深刻的心理问题，他的对话录中献身的人物对此给出了形形色色的答案。也许，最可爱的答案莫过于《会饮篇》中由苏格拉底转述的狄欧提玛的说法，亦即：“在身体和灵魂的层面，人皆有孕在身。”我们是，或至少觉得自己不是完美的造物，我们不能求得安宁，除非我们内在感受到的潜能得以实现，除非我们能如她所说：“在美中诞育”。这一渴望，这一爱欲，弥漫在一切善好和健康的灵与肉的欲望中；有些人主要体验到的是肉体的欲望，并用身体得以满足，而那些追求灵魂层面欲望的人们则成了哲学家、诗人、抑或致力于“城邦与家庭的健全治理”（亦即，最高意义的政治）。迪欧蒂玛对苏格拉底说，人类的善好行为所及之处，皆可看到爱欲的踪迹