米塞斯回忆录

• Joyworld

  2021-01-20
  那些年间的日内瓦是国际联盟的驻地，由于这一地位，它将在历史上留下重重一笔。国际联盟从来不是“真的”。外交官们已经把一个伟大的构想变成了个拥有数百名雇员的官僚机构。他们是一些除了保住自的饭碗不再关心任何其他问题的行政人员。...不过，国际联盟之所以遭到失败，并不是因为它的行政官员缺乏能力和怠惰疏忽。它从来没有活跃起来，因为它缺少意识形态的基础。在一个自由世界，国家和民族之间可以和平地建立合作，而不需要超国家的组织。而在一个弥漫着民族主义的世界，不管条约还是国际机构的创立都无法消除冲突。
• Joyworld

  2021-01-20
  最后，在一篇充作《国民经济学的基本问题》导言的论文中，我论证了行为学知识的先验（a Priori）性质。
• Joyworld

  2021-01-20
  经济问题不像生物问题或物理问题那 么简单，它要复杂得多，复杂到我们甚至无法将它交托给大众的理解能力，作为普通教育计划之一部分。实证主义曾经把经典物理学改造成了符合大众口味的一道盛宴，新实证主义对于当前物理知识的现状也起到了同样的作用。它们歪曲和简化了科学，就像人们通过“人是类人猿的后代”这个陈词重新塑造了达尔文主义在日常语境中的用法那样。人们需要经过很长时间才会抛弃这类生吞活剥的过简化。在此之前，普通民众仍将继续沉溺于流行哲学之中。
• Joyworld

  2021-01-15
  但是庞巴维克拒不接纳这个理论。对于我的逐步递进分析方法的说服力，他没有提出任何反驳；他并不否认我的结论一一也就是说，货币购买力的变动对于不同商品和服务的价格的影响既不是同时发生的也不是同等程度的，那种认为货币数量的改变导致价格“水平”同步和同比变动的看法是错误的。但是他却认为这只是“摩擦现象”。按照庞巴维克的看法，旧的学说“在理上”是正确的。它在涉及“纯粹经济行为”的分析时仍然具有充分的重要性。当然，真实世界充满阻力摩擦，这会导致结果偏离理论的预测。我试图说服巴维克，在此借用力学的隐喻是不可接受的，可是的劝说白费功夫。人们可以看出，庞巴维克关于价格理论的任务的双重标准深受约翰・斯图亚特穆勒思想的影响。如果我对那些基本问题有一个更加清的认识，或许就能说服他了。但在当时，我的思考方式也还未能摆脱穆勒的影响。直到多年以后，我才驳倒庞巴维克的“直接交换优势”（ direct exchange advantage）学说。那篇致力于批评门格尔和庞巴克学说的文章，我相信是缅怀两位大师的永久的纪念。
• Joyworld

  2021-01-15
  逐步递进的分析必须考虑时间的流逝。原因和结果之间的时滞，造成了若干单个相继后果之间时间区分的复杂多样。通过考察这些时滞，人们才能准确表述货币购买力变动的社会后果。
• Joyworld

  2021-01-15
  我在书中一以贯之的是“逐步递进”（step- by-step）方法，今天人们重新发现了这种方法，名为跨期分析（ period analysis）或过程分析（ process analysis）。这是唯一可以接受的方法。这种方法舍弃了长期和短期这种多余的经济学概念，甚至连静态和动态之间的区分也变得可有可无了。如果没有任何状态可以视为正常”的一一如果人们意识到“静态均衡”的想法与我们真正关注的生活和行为全然无关，而仅仅是一个心理意象，为的是通过一个非行为状态（ a state of nonaction）将人类行为概念化一那么，我们就必承认我们面对的永是运动状态，而绝不可能是均衡状态。数理经济学有着漂亮的曲线和方程，可是所有这些理论都是毫无用处的胡思乱想。
• Ethel

  2017-09-18
  逐步递进的分析必须考虑时间的流逝。原因和结果之间的时滞，造成了若干单个相继后果之间时间区分的复杂多样。......货币购买力的变动对于不同商品和服务的价格的影响既不是同时发生的也不是同等程度的，那种认为货币数量的改变导致价格“水平”同步和同比变动的看法是错误的。
• NewmanLoathesU

  2012-07-22
  The same funds also financed the construction of two housing projects for single men. I found the latter to be superfluous. Young men in lower-income brackets customarily boarded with families. It was believed, however, that arrangements of this nature posed a threat to morality. … Intimate liaisons did on occasion develop in these boarding houses; the normal result, however, was a marriage contract. In fact, a probe initiated by the Viennese vice squad revealed that very few young women living under supervision in these houses declared boarders or “sleepers” to be their first seducers. In contrast, an experienced adviser to the police considered houses for single men breeding grounds for homosexuality. It was on these grounds that I could not support their funding. My view did not prevail...
• NewmanLoathesU

  2012-07-22
  In 1908 I joined the Zentralstelle für Wohnungsreform, a group who sought to improve unsatisfactory housing conditions throughout Austria. … Receiving general acknowledgment of my views was not easy. My appraisal of the situation was met by the misgivings of those in the Central Association at first. But complete success soon followed.
• NewmanLoathesU

  2012-07-22
  I had thrown myself into the study of economics and social politics with great enthusiasm. At first I devoured the writings of the social reformers without much criticism. If a sociopolitical measure did not produce the desired result, this could only have been because it was not radical enough. … It was during my fifth semester at the university that I first began to entertain doubts concerning the supremacy of interventionism. … It became obvious to me that any improvement in the plight of the working classes was a result of capitalism, and that the outcome of social legislation often ran opposite to the intentions of its authors. … It was the study of political economy, however, that led me to an understanding of the true nature of interventionism.
• NewmanLoathesU

  2012-07-22
  During my first two semesters as a university student I belonged to the Sozialwissenschaftlicher Bildungsverein, an organization serving students interested in the problems of economics and society, … My interest began to slacken during my third semester. I found that too much time could be lost on activities associated with the group.
• NewmanLoathesU

  2012-07-22
  I knew what was at stake. Bolshevism would lead Vienna to starvation and terror within a few days. Plundering hordes would take to the streets and a second blood bath would destroy what was left of Viennese culture. After discussing these problems with the Bauers over the course of many evenings, I was finally able to persuade them of my view. Bauer’s resulting moderation was a determining factor in Vienna’s fate. … Bauer was too intelligent not to realize that I had been right, but he never forgave me for having turned him into a Millerand. The attacks of his fellow Bolshevists hit close to home. But he directed his animosity toward me instead of toward his opponents. A powerful loather, he opted for ignoble means to destroy me. He tried to cause the nationalistic students and professors ...
• NewmanLoathesU

  2012-07-22
  As a young man, Otto Bauer had made up his mind never to be untrue to his Marxian convictions, never to make concessions to reformism or socialist revisionism, and never to become a Millerand or a Miquel. … He remained faithful to his intentions until the winter of 1918/19. At that time I was successful in convincing the Bauers that the collapse of a Bolshevist experiment in Austria would be inevitable in a very short time, perhaps within days. The supply of food in Austria was dependent on imports made possible only by the relief assistance of former enemies. Vienna’s food supply would not have lasted more than eight or ten days on any given day during the nine months following the armistice. The Allies could have forced a surrender of a Bolshevist regime in Vienna without lifting a finge...
• NewmanLoathesU

  2012-07-22
  I realized only later that party Marxists fell into two categories: those who had never studied Marx at all and were acquainted with only a few of the better known passages from his books, and those who knew of Marx only from textbooks, or, as autodidacts, had read none of the world’s literature beyond that of Marx.
• NewmanLoathesU

  2012-07-22
  Upon entering the university, I too was an etatist, through and through. I differed from my fellow students, however, in that I was consciously anti-Marxist. At the time I knew little of Marx’s writings, but was acquainted with most important works of Kautsky. I was an avid reader of the Neue Zeit, and had followed the revisionist debate with great attention. The platitudes of Marxist literature repelled me. I found Kautsky almost ridiculous. As I entered into a more detailed study of the most important works of Marx, Engels, and Lassalle, I was incited to contradiction on all sides. It seemed incomprehensible to me that this garbled Hegelianism could have such enormous influence.
• NewmanLoathesU

  2013-03-09
  I recalled these words during the darkest hours of the war. Again and again I had met with situations from which rational deliberation found no means of escape; but then the unexpected intervened, and with it came salvation. I would not lose courage even now. I wanted to do everything an economist could do. I would not tire in saying what I knew to be true. I thus decided to write a book about socialism. I had considered the plan before the beginning of the war; now I wanted to carry it out.
• NewmanLoathesU

  2013-03-09
  How one carries on in the face of unavoidable catastrophe is a matter of temperament. In high school, as was custom, I had chosen a verse by Virgil to be my motto: Tu ne cede malis sed contra audentior ito (“Do not give in to evil, but proceed ever more boldly against it”).
• 柳向阳

  2016-11-10
  当马克思主义风行一时，他就表示自己信仰马克思主义；当希特勒执掌大权，他就撰文宣称元首受命于天。（p.128-129）与这些人相处久了，我就开始明白，德意志民族已经无可救药了；这些平庸的蠢人已经是千挑万选的精英分子。（p.130）