泰国史

• 之龢

  2018-10-25
  This movement of political development must have gained particular strength[52] as the power of the Angkorian Empire waned after the death of King Jayavarman VII around 1220. It might be reflected in the sending of diplomatic missions to China between 1200 and 1205, seeking political recognition and trade, by the state the Chinese called “Chen-li-fu,”【真里富】 located perhaps in the Phetburi region. In the first third of the thirteenth century, however, such states as these seem clearly to have been merely local ones, constructed from a single town and its hinterland with only the loosest of relationships to neighboring towns. During this period, such principalities may periodically have been engaged in warfare with their neighbors or with Angkor; but in the intervals of peace they seem to hav...
• 之龢

  2018-10-25
  In sixty years as king, Mongrai had constructed as extensive and powerful kingdom out of a congeries of isolated müang and came to dominate the heartland of interior, upland Southeast Asia. He had won influence among the Shans to the west, the Tai Lü to the north, and the Lao to the north and northeast; and he had held his ground against two decades of Mongol expeditions. He had hardly begun the work of building administrative and political institutions, having gone barely beyond the strategy of sending his sons and grandsons and trusted officers out to govern new principalities created in the upland valleys. There was still little, by 1317, of a tradition of central control from Chiang Mai, nor were firm rules yet established that could ensure the peaceful transition from a ruler to his h...
• 之龢

  2018-10-25
  The Mongol campaign against Burma, Vietnam, Champa, and even Java in this period are well known to historians of Southeast Asia. Less well known are the Mongol campaigns against Mangrai and his allies. We can only guess how this warfare originated, probably when the Mongols gained the submission of Chiang Hung in 1290. Its ruler then, Thao Ai, Mangrai’s second cousin, was but a young man of twenty-three years and must have appealed for help to Mangrai. When Chiang Hung subsequently rebelled, the Chinese emperor[49] in 1292 ordered an expedition be sent against Mangrai and Chiang Hung. The Chinese managed to take Chiang Hung in 1296, but Mangrai immediately sent a force to retake the city. The Chinese response was delayed, and it was not until 1301 that preparations were undertaken for a ma...
• 之龢

  2018-10-25
  At about this time, a group of Buddhist monks arrived with two relics of the Buddha which they presented to Mangrai. The king enshrined them in lavish fashion and dedicated to their upkeep vast amounts of rice and land, including five hundred Mon families who had come from Pegu.
• 之龢

  2018-10-25
  The upper Irrawaddy valley was rapidly breaking up into small units. The Shan dominion over Pagân seems to have dissolved into the mere acceptance of tribute from the hereditary governors of outlying provinces, some of whom were developing their own royal style and semi-independence. The Shan brothers and their successors at Pinya/Sagaing/Ava became rapidly more and more Burman, leaving inscriptions in Burmese and relying for the most part on Burman officers in their administration. They were becoming part of the culture and society over which they ruled, as reflected by their intermarriage with the old house of Pagân and by the behavior of their descendants, which differed little from that expected for a Burman king.
• 之龢

  2018-10-25
  The thirteenth century must have seemed a period of cataclysmic change to those who lived through it in continental Southeast Asia. Through the early decades of the century, the great classical Indianized empires of Pagân and Angkor had held firm, their glories still undiminished. Great architectural monuments were being constructed; works of art were being produced; stone inscriptions lauding meritorious acts of the great monarchs were being incised. Then, suddenly in the second quarter of the century, the imperial momentum and dynamic collapsed in Angkor and soon thereafter in Pagân. By the end of the century, both those great empires were but golden memories, no matter how potent, of a past that would never be recaptured.
• 之龢

  2018-10-25
  Around the end of the tenth century or the beginning of the eleventh, in a time of peace and prosperity, a religious revival swept over the Yonok country, probably brought through trading connections that seem to have gone via Haripuñjaya to the Mon cities of Thaton (Sudhammavati) and Pegu (Hamsavati) in coastal Burma. This was a development of immense cultural significance, for it transformed a weak and localized folk Buddhism, characterized more by isolated hermits than by major monasteries, into a universal, institutionalized religious tradition, linked with the Theravada Buddhist civilization of the Mons and Ceylon. It integrated the Tai into a wider “community of the faithful,” in which Tai could feel they belonged. It supplanted local animistic spirits with more universal values and...
• 之龢

  2018-10-25
  For the major, lowland civilization of mainland Southeast Asia, the eleventh and twelfth centuries were the golden age of the classical Indianized empires, the period when they constructed their greatest monuments and left numerous stone inscriptions attesting to the high state of their learning. This was the great age of Angkor and Pagân; the age of Suryavarman I, Suryavarman II, Jayavarman VII, Anorahta, and Kyanzittha; the age of Angkor Vat, Angkor Thom, the Bayon, and the myriad temples of Pagân. Angkorian and Pagân civilization, moreover, was not simply an elite phenomenon, localized in capitals or provincial centers remote from the lives of ordinary people. It spread far out over the countryside to at least touch upon, and in some areas to penetrate, the outlying regions that we pre...
• 之龢

  2018-10-25
  Of all the empires of the region it was the Khmer Empire, centered in the Angkor region, that was expanding most rapidly during this period, beginning with the accession of Jayavarman II in about 802. During two centuries, he and his[18] successors, particularly Yaśovarman I (r. 889-900) constructed an empire that dwarfed all its rivals. From a heartland that included both the core of Cambodia, centered on the Tonle Sap, and the southern half of the Khorat Mekong Delta and pushed against the Chams on the Vietnam coast. To the north it extended at least as far as the Vientiane Plain, and even exerted some influence (perhaps by an occasional military expedition) in the regions of Luang Prabang and Chiang Saen, and through the latter into the region called the Sipsong Pan Na, bordering on Na...
• 之龢

  2018-10-25
  Nan-chaoLargely owing to their desire to open land communication with India, the Chinese moved to gain control over what is now the province of Yunnan during the Han dynasty, especially in the second century ᴀ.ᴅ., when even western Yunnan was absorbed into the empire. The Chinese found there a bewildering assortment of peoples they called ‘barbarians’ (man), some of whom adopted Chinese civilization. One such local ruling family, who intermarried with Chinese administrators or colonists, was the Ts’uan family, centered in the region extending southward from Kun-ming to the present Vietnamese frontier.[13] They gradually became the hereditary governors of the province after the fall of the Han in the third century ᴀ.ᴅ. This southeastern portion of Yunnan appears to have been inhabited by ...
• 之龢

  2018-10-25
  Postulating first from the linguistic arguments, let us suppose that around the eighth century ᴀ.ᴅ. the Tai world already was extended across much of northern Southeast Asia, differentiated into five linguistic groups. First, the northern groups left behind in China were evolving into the ancestors of the present[12] Chuang group. Second, there remained another grouping of upland Tai peoples in northern Vietnam, the ancestors of the Black, White and Red Tai. Third, another grouping of Tai peoples must have been localized somewhere in northeastern Laos and adjacent portions of Vietnam, the ancestors of the Tai of Siang Khwang and of Siamese Ayudhya. A fourth group may have been located in northern Laos, perhaps in the vicinity of Luang Prabang. A final, fifth group was certainly located to...
• 之龢

  2018-10-25
  Piecing together the information we have, almost entirely from the reports of their neighbors, we can construct a composite picture of Tai life in the first millennium ᴀ.ᴅ. At its base was the farming household, probably composed of a simple nuclear family. The labor of all family members was utilized in eking out a bare subsistence, growing rice and vegetables, tending cattle and domestic animals, fishing in nearby streams and hunting in the forest, and weaving cloth or fashioning implements. A dozen or two such households would share their labor at harvest time, or when repairing a bridge or building a house, their efforts being coordinated by an informal council of the village elders, who also resolved disputes and arranged communal festivals. Such villages could not sustain themselve...
• 之龢

  2018-10-25
  By the last centuries of the first millennium B.C., we must presume that the major linguistic and cultural families of the peoples that we regard as Southeast Asian had become differentiated, and to some extent physically separated, from one another. The peoples of island Southeast Asia, from the Philippines to the Malay Peninsula, spoke Malayo-Polynesian (Austronesian) languages, while Austroasiatic languages, such as Mon and Khmer (Cambodian), were spoken in the central and southern portions of the Indochinese peninsula from lower Burma[6] to the Mekong Delta of southern Vietnam. The Burmese were located in northern Burma and southwestern China, while the Vietnamese lived along the coasts of what is now norther Vietnam and southeastern China. Caught between the Vietnamese and Khmer spea...
• 之龢

  2018-10-25
  The earliest Chinese references to the Tai peoples are consistent with this picture that anthropologists and archeologists have given us of prehistoric Southeast Asian culture. Tai whom the Chinese encountered were always referred to as inhabitants of the valleys and lowlands, rather than of the hillsides and uplands, and usually were reported as having an economy based on wet-rice cultivation. Many Tai groups considered cattle (or buffalo) as significant, often more as a measure of status and wealth or for their use in ritual than for their usefulness as a draft animal. Tai always were reported as having lived in houses raised on piles above the ground, in contrast to their Chinese and Vietnamese neighbors. Young people customarily were allowed free choice of marriage partners and were g...
• 之龢

  2018-10-25
  As long as forty thousand years ago, the progenitors of Southeast Asian peoples were inhabiting relatively permanent sites through much of that region. They hunted and gathered their food from the streams and forests, using many of the sorts of wooden and bamboo tools still in use in Southeast Asia. With stone choppers and knives, they fashioned such tools as the blowpipe, the bow and arrow, animal and fish traps, and baskets. By ten to twenty thousand years ago, they had begun to engage in agriculture, cultivating peas and beans and domesticating such animals as the chicken. It was only around ten thousand years ago that the individual ethnic groups of Southeast Asia began to be differentiated, linguistically and culturally, over the broad span of territory from the Yangtse Valley of cen...
• 之龢

  2018-10-25
  The Tai peoples today are widely spread over several million square kilometers of the southeastern corner of the great land mass of Asia. Their most visible representatives are the Thai (or Siamese) of Thailand, of whom there are 27 to 30 million. Many others who speak related Tai languages and recognize themselves as Tai call their own ethnic and linguistic groups by other names. Of these, there are more than 20 million Lao, most of who live in northeastern Thailand, with only about 2.5 million in Laos. In northeastern Burma live approximately 3 million Shans. There are numerous other Tai groups scattered through the uplands of northern Southeast Asia and south China. These fall into two groupings. The first includes the Lü【ᦑᦟᦹᧉ / 傣仂】 of Yunnan province, China, and the various upland Tai...
• 之龢

  2018-10-25
  Indeed, the people who brought the core elements of the contemporary Thai identity to what is now Thailand did not even arrive in that central portion of the Indochinese peninsula until a thousand or so years ago. These were people for whom we had best reserve the word Tai, a cultural and linguistic term used to denote the various Tai peoples in general, peoples sharing a common linguistic and cultural identity which in historic times has become differentiated into a large number of separate identities. The modern Thai may or may not be descended by blood from the late-arriving Tai. He or she may instead be the descendant of still earlier Mon or Khmer inhabitants of the region, or of much later Chinese or Indian immigrants. Only over many centuries has a “Thai” culture, a civilization and...
• 之龢

  2018-10-25
  RomanizationThroughout this work, the Thai Royal Academy’s “General System of Phonetic Transcription” is used to Romanize Thai names and words, and a similar phonetic system is used for Lao. Diacritics have been held to an absolute minimum, maintaining only ü (for the Royal Academy’s ư), thus blurring the distinctions between o, œ, and ǫ. Personal names and titles are Romanized following the preferences of the individuals concerned, when known; thus King Chulalongkorn and Prince Devawongse (not Čhulalongkon and Thewawong). Geographical nomenclature usually follows the standardized forms of the U.S. Board on Geographic Names, as employed, for example, on the maps of the National Geographic Society. The aspirated consonants p, t, and k are written ph, th, and kh, but they are not pronounc...
• 我突然

  2016-01-10
  人类对天堂精神的忘恩负义激怒了众神之长，他在地球上释放了一场洪水，仅有三个首领得以逃脱。
• 之龢

  2018-10-25
  　　随着印刷业在泰国的开始以及对该国历史的兴趣的兴起，有关泰国历史的书目在1个世纪前才刚刚开始。充分讨论所有对该主题进行认真研究的资料，至少需要另外一本完整的书才可以。在这里，我只能建议一些最有用、最重要的泰国历史著作，而且主要局限于那些现存的西方语言作品。通　　史　　很多最好的作品只是在最近才出现，而且大部分尚未以图书的形式出版。它包括博士论文。大多数的博士论文可以通过密歇根安阿伯的大学缩微胶卷找到。博士论文的特点是它们包含研究主题的详尽书目。有关泰国历史的文章通常出现在Journal of the Siam Society（这之后简写为JSS）（Bangkok，1904—　）以及Journal of Southeast Asian Studies（Singapore，1970—　）。这个领域一个很好的指南是Charles F. Keyes，Southeast Asian Research Tools: Thailand（Honolulu，1979）。　　两本特别好的地理参考书是Robert L. Pendleton，Thailand: Aspects of Landscape and Life（New York，1962）；Wolf Donner，The Five Faces of Thailand: An Economic Geography（New York，1978）。[323]其中最重要的对泰国的一般性介绍的著作有Frank J. Moore，Thailand: Its people, Its Society, Its culture，rev. ed.（New Haven，1974）；Thailand: A Country Study（Washiongton，1987）；和泰国总理办公室编辑的Thailand in the 90’s（Bangkok，199...