危险的心灵

• 无生源论

  2022-07-27
  Schmitt was hardly a true supporter of the earlier, idealized version of parliamentarism. His story of decline was a means to play off the ideal against the real without even believing in the ideal. Schmitt, after all, never had faith in open discussion as such. Liberals, he held, would never arrive at a decision, but postpone it in a futile effort to dissolve all truly political dil- emmas into questions of either economics or ethics. Economic questions, or so they hoped, could be subject to negotiation and compromise, while ethical questions could be resolved through rational discussion. Liberals, in other words, fell victim to the same illusions as the Romantics who believed that an ‘eternal conversation’ would dissolve oppositions in a spurious ‘higher third’. Deconstruction, then, was...
• 岐下周原

  2012-08-29
  施密特不仅仅心甘情愿的成为已经存在的纳粹计划的法律执行者，还试图为新国家精心设计自己的宪法框架，并将命名为《国家-运动-人民》，在该书中，他宣称旧的黑格尔式的国家概念已经死亡
• 岐下周原

  2012-08-28
  民主必须被理解为ceasarist，一种建立在民族主义基础之上的全民公决式的专政，就想墨索里尼治下的意大利
• 岐下周原

  2012-08-28
  在他所谓的“概念社会学”里，他坚持所有感念都是神学概念的世俗化。绝对的君主是全能上帝世俗化的版本；政治的例外状态是奇迹的世俗化；而超验与内在之间的对立，则与正当性的君主和民主原则这一对反命题相对应
• 岐下周原

  2012-08-28
  委托专政，同其在古典罗马概念中含义一样，是以现存合法的权力代理者的身份来处理例外和紧急事态的。本质上，它是为了恢复到原有的正常状态。主权专政则不同，它是不受限制的，他所缔造的是一个全新的秩序。